Home > Student Archival Essays > Charting Heritage: Roles of Communists in the Victorian Trades Hall, 1935-1950

Charting Heritage: Roles of Communists in the Victorian Trades Hall, 1935-1950

by Jack Rudman

Trades Hall Council Registers Objections To Communist Dissolution Act

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The Trades Hall Council Votes To Repeal A Wartime Ban On The Communist Party

The founding of the Communist Party of Australia (herein, CPA) in 1920 naturally led to their expansion into the trade unions of Australia and their representatives appearing within the Victorian Trades Hall (herein, Trades Hall) where many of Melbourne’s trades unions had been housed since 1875.¹ The question of specific roles played by Communists within a Trades Hall context is noticeably lacking in the literature of Communism in Australia more generally.² It is not the purpose of this essay to assess the success of Communists within the Trades Hall itself, nor to assess their success in trade unions. Rather, the primary purpose of this essay is to argue that Communists played a number of roles within the Trades Hall in the lead up to, and throughout, the Second World War and early Cold War periods.

This essay shall begin by arguing that Communists played an inherently important role throughout both the lead up to and the duration of the Second World War and early Cold War periods as a symbolic link to, and literal representative of, the Soviet Union.³ Moreover, Communists within the Trades Hall provided a political alternative to the Australian Labour Party (herein, ALP) and also, a more accurate representation of the workers’ demands and interests, particularly in regards to the maintenance of solidarity amongst workers of the world.⁴ Additionally, this essay shall contend that during the lead up to and then for the duration of the Second World War, Communists played a number of roles ranging from ardent denouncers of fascism, to neutral bystanders in an imperialist war, before finally becoming serious supporters of the defeat of the Axis Powers after the invasion of the USSR in 1941.⁵ In turn, it will be suggested that as a result of Communists’ enthusiasm and the success of their comrades in the Red Army, popularity for Communism increased throughout the war and early post-war years.⁶ This essay shall then outline the role of Communists within Trades Hall as symbolic pillars of freedom of association and free thought in the increasingly hostile environment of the early Cold War.⁷ Finally, a brief discussion on the heritage and memory of Communists in Trades Hall shall be presented and it will be argued that they have left what Lloyd Ross dubbed a, “complex pattern of influence”.⁸

Throughout the Second World War and early Cold War periods, Communists served as both a symbolic link to, as well as a representative of, the Soviet Union and wider Communist movement.⁹ The establishment of Communists, and their influence in trade unions throughout Australia, has been characterised by John Sendy as having, “exceeded its [the CPA] general political strength.”¹⁰ The relationship between the CPA, and thus Communists within Australia, and the Soviet Union has been widely documented to be not one of subservience per se, but certainly one that acknowledged and respected the Soviet Union as the epitome of social and economic progress—a paragon of the workers’ paradise.¹¹ Allusions to this link between Communists and the Soviet Union are abundant within the Victorian Trades Hall Council (herein, VTHC) minutes.¹² A direct reference to the relationship with the Soviet Union can be seen in the first clause of an Executive Report from 3 November 1938.¹³ This clause, which was ultimately declared to be carried, recommends that the Trades Hall, “extend greetings to the Union Movement of Russia…and congratulate it upon the achievement made in production and social development,” and indeed hopes for them to, “still further succeed in [the] progress… [of] their social and economic position.”¹⁴ Such a clause clearly articulates a relationship that is not only congenial but more subtly, one that is characterised ever so slightly by deference. That the Trades Hall does not acknowledge the achievement made in production and social development as specifically Russia’s but rather as the achievement would indicate that they see it as a genuine advance in the direction of progress that will have benefits for workers beyond those located purely within the Soviet Union.

Furthermore, a proposed amendment to a motion on 30 April 1942 asserts that, “fraternal greetings [be extended] to the heroic Soviet peoples who are fighting so valiantly in defence of their socialist Fatherland.”¹⁵ The inclusion of the words, ‘heroic’ and, ‘valiantly’ are especially telling in so far as they suggest a certain degree of praiseworthiness but also, more importantly, that such a cause as the defence of Soviet means of distribution (that is to say, socialism) is something worthy of being emulated. Moreover, that these greetings are ‘fraternal’ clearly implies a connection that transcends geographic borders and instead connects individuals and organisations along the lines of belief and ideology.¹⁶ In this way, the Trades Hall can be viewed as acknowledging the existence of Communists amongst their number as well as these individuals’ chiefly ideological ties to the Soviet Union.

Communists within the Trades Hall occupied a role that provided a political alternative to the ALP and one that also offered a more accurate representation of the demands and interests of workers, particularly in regards to the maintenance of international solidarity.¹⁷ Repeated references can be found in the VTHC minutes during the Second World War to capitalism being a thoroughly exploitative and malignant force in workers’ lives.¹⁸ In stark contrast to the predominately middle-class and capitalistic policies of the ALP,¹⁹ Communists in the Trades Hall, throughout the Second World War, can be viewed as having attempted to advocate a utopia for workers. Indeed, their origins within the working class meant that many Communists had a considerable deal of common ground in terms of life experiences with many of the workers within Trades Hall.²⁰ The highly charged language of the Executive Report, 1 May 1941, asserts, “…before the workers…will be able to live in reasonable comfort and security they must abolish – (1) Capitalism…and establish in its stead collective ownership by the people, and (2) The present wage system…which allows employers of labor [and] private owners of the means of production to appropriate all wealth produced by the workers...”²¹

Such a declaration is markedly different from ALP policies that Gollan posits were, “capitalist policies…made acceptable to workers.”²² Indeed, references to the abolishment of capitalism and the dismantling of private ownership and production are inherently communist in nature. The principles contained within the passage from 1 May 1941 make clear that capitalism is exploitative of workers and ultimately benefits those who own the means of production. In this regard, Communists in Trades Hall can be viewed as offering a more acceptable or rather, a more applicable, alternative for the interests and benefits of workers in contrast to those of the ALP.²³

It is important to note however, that Communists in Trades Hall were not necessarily promoting a seizure of power along the lines of that in Russia in 1917.²⁴ Rather, they largely resigned themselves to the fact that to defeat the capitalist policies of the ALP and to achieve, “collective ownership by the people,”²⁵ they would have to assist and to a certain extent align themselves with the ALP, with whom they were closest to on a domestic stage.²⁶ 

Additionally, Communists consistently advocated for a more internationalist outlook in regards to worker solidarity within Trades Hall during the Second World War and early Cold War periods.²⁷ A reference to this comes by way of the, “fraternal greetings from the workers of Australia to the workers of other lands,” that Delegate A. McNolty expressed the hope he would be able to convey at a conference in Geneva before the adjournment of a meeting on 19 May 1949.²⁸ Similarly, the proposed recommendation by the VTHC to the Australian Council of Trade Unions (herein, ACTU) to appoint, “a Trade Union delegation to visit India and China for the purpose of…promoting a closer unity between the Indian and Chinese workers and the Trade Union and Labor Movement of Australia”²⁹ suggests strongly that international worker solidarity, and the promotion thereof, was a key agenda and goal of Communists in Trades Hall.

Communists played a number of roles in both the lead up to, and duration of, the Second World War.³⁰ The most consistent role they played throughout the war was undoubtedly that of being ardent denouncers of Fascism.³¹ References in the VTHC minutes to the defeat of Fascism as being, “the most important task of the world’s workers, including the workers of Australia,”³² and that, “comrades in Uniform should have no impediment placed in their way in coming to grips with the Japanese Fascists,”³³ are suggestive of this. The issue of the non-aggression pact between Nazi Germany and Russia was eventually resolved by Germany breaking that pact in the June 1941 invasion of the USSR that gave Communists in Trades Hall the ability to fully back the Australian war effort in a bid to not only bring down the fascist Axis Powers but also, to help defend the Soviet Union.³⁴ That the defence of the Soviet Union was an imperative for Communists in the Trades Hall is suggested in the appeal for, “Sheep Skins for Russian Sick and Wounded” and the assertion that these sheepskins would be, “made into clothing to assist the Russian people.”³⁵

Additionally, the proposal carried on 13 November 1941 that, “all assistance as lies in the power of the Trade Union Movement, be extended to the Soviet Union in its efforts to defeat Nazi aggression and invasion,”³⁶ again suggests that the USSR’s defence and the defeat of Fascism was of vital importance to Communists in Trades Hall. However, it is apparent also in the VTHC minutes that Communists did not always advocate for the participation in the defeat of Nazi Germany and Fascism in general. In the lead up to the outbreak of the Second World War, Communists in Trades Hall occupied the role of being staunch bystanders of what they saw as being another Imperialist war.³⁷ This is demonstrated in an amendment proposed for the ‘Anti-War Manifesto’ discussed on 29 November 1934, which invokes amongst other things, “1. The severance of political relations with any Nations engaged in Capitalist War; … 4. Promotion of friendly relations with U.S.S.R. and other countries standing for world peace.”³⁸ 

The successes of the Red Army in the defeat of Nazi Germany by 1945 have been cited as a reason for the surge in Communism’s popularity throughout the war.³⁹ Evidence that would suggest this can be found in the VTHC’s inclusion of an ACTU cable sent to the Russian Government, on behalf of the trade unions of Australia, in their 22 October 1942 meeting. The cable is full of praise and approval of the Red Army in so far as it, “expresses its admiration of the splendid fight being waged by the Red Army against the Axis forces and admires the determined resistance displayed in the defence of Stalingrad.”⁴⁰ Such recognition of the successes of the Soviet Army is indicative of the fact that their contributions were not seen to be subsidiary or in some way only beneficial to the USSR. Indeed, in a proposed amendment, the VTHC expressed, “its appreciation of the sterling struggle of the Russian forces against the aggression of the common enemy.”⁴¹ Recognition of the Soviet Army’s efforts as ‘sterling’ would indicate that the VTHC viewed such actions as invaluable to the wider war effort. These successes ultimately gave a certain aura of legitimacy to the descriptions of the Soviet Union.⁴² Furthermore, they go some way in explaining the escalation of popularity experienced by Communists within Australia who were able to gain prestige from their comrades’ efforts overseas.⁴³ Additionally, those Communists serving in the Australian Army, estimated to be at around 4000, were able to garner, perhaps not support for their cause, rather, significant acknowledgment of it.⁴⁴

In the increasingly hostile environment of the early Cold War society, Communists in the Trades Hall came to occupy a role as symbolic pillars of freedom of association and free thought.⁴⁵ That there was an increasingly unsympathetic attitude towards Communists permeating throughout the post-war society is inarguable.⁴⁶ The introduction of Industrial Groups into Trades Hall in 1946 would mark the beginning of a delicate balancing act for the ALP in regards to reasserting influence over their traditional constituents while simultaneously allaying the demands of the political Right to completely ban Communists.⁴⁷  The purpose of the Industrial Groups was to force Communists out of Union positions and in this regard, they were ultimately successful.⁴⁸ Their introduction, while contributing to and with the aim of, reducing Communist influence in Trades Hall was not comparable to the complete banning of Communists as proposed by Robert Menzies’ Communist Dissolution Act.⁴⁹

Menzies became the Prime Minister following the elections on 10 December 1949 largely on, as Gollan asserts, “a policy which included banning the Communist Party.”⁵⁰ That the subsequent Bill was not passed is irrelevant as it nevertheless positioned Communists to become the embodiment of freedom of association and ideological liberty.⁵¹ As is outlined in the VTHC minutes of 23 March 1950 in discussion about the proposed banning of the Communist Party, “the banning of any political party, however distasteful their views, is contrary to the principles of freedom of assembly and freedom of expression.”⁵² Such a declaration is demonstrative of several things. Firstly, that the VTHC find Communists views, ‘distasteful’ is a marked attempt at distancing themselves from Communism in general. But secondly, and more importantly, it indicates that the values of freedom of expression and freedom of thought override any of the reasons to outlaw a specific ideology. This overriding desire to uphold freedom of expression and thought within Trades Hall is further documented in the adoption of the ACTU’s position that, “sections of the Federal Government’s [Communist Dissolution] Bill are abhorrent,” and further, that they give the Government virtually unchecked power to, “Declare,” organisations and individuals as Communist and prosecute them as such.⁵³ In distancing themselves away from supporting the Menzies Bill, the Trades Hall was not supporting the Communists per se but rather, supporting the Communists rights to basic civil liberties.⁵⁴

As Lloyd Ross has argued, communist influence within the trade unions is perhaps best described as a, “complex pattern of influence”.⁵⁵ This is particularly relevant in the context of the Trades Hall as it provides a more detailed and richer history not only of trade unions in Australia, but also of the Communist Party itself. Rather than being straightforward and simple to discern, the roles played by Communists within Trades Hall did not often bring necessarily tangible or easily identifiable benefit, or conversely detriment, to the Trades Hall. Instead, as Ross posits, a pattern of influence can be articulated within the VTHC minutes that strongly suggests that Communists occupied a number of roles and influenced the unions on a number of issues. The heritage that was embedded into the psyche of workers for some 25 years up until the end of the Second World War was one that stressed solidarity with each other, as well as with the workers of other countries.⁵⁶ In doing so, Communists in the Trades Hall were able to solidify their, albeit relatively fleeting, popularity in the history of Australian Unionism.⁵⁷ The imperative links back to the Soviet Union, in both political mandate and ideological convictions, opened up a wide array of avenues for workers to access issues beyond their own immediate worlds. In this regard, Communists well and truly fulfilled the educative role and opportunities that Trades Hall was envisioned, and indeed had always intended, to provide.⁵⁸ Perhaps more than anything else, this heritage allowed Victorian workers to access and consider views, both political and social, that they would not otherwise have been exposed to.

This essay has argued that Communists occupied and played a number of important roles in the lead up to and throughout the Second World War and Cold War periods. Firstly, it was argued that Communists were both a symbolic link to and literal representative of the Soviet Union.⁵⁹ Secondly, it was posited that one of the largest roles occupied by Communists in Trades Hall was that of being a political alternative to the ALP.⁶⁰ Moreover, it was a role that offered the opportunity for a more accurate representation of the workers’ demands, one which was more in line with their interests, especially in regards to the promotion and conservation of international solidarity amongst workers.⁶¹ Throughout the lead up to, and the duration of, the Second World War, Communists played several roles in regards to the ongoing war situation. Despite regarding the War as being primarily capitalist in nature, and thus initially being resolutely opposed to it, Communists in the Trades Hall were ardent in their opposition to Fascism and, after the breaking of the non-aggression pact and subsequent invasion of the Soviet Union, supported the Australia war effort.⁶² The eventual successes of the Red Army were, it has been suggested, at least partially responsible for the surge in popularity Communism experienced throughout the course of the War.⁶³ This popularity however, was short-lived as the ALP sought to reassert itself through the introduction of Industrial Groups in the trades unions of an increasingly anti-Communist society.⁶⁴ It was ultimately due to this anti-Communist sentiment that Communists in the Trades Hall became symbols for the wider union movement’s preference for civil liberties, while the Menzies Government attempted to introduce the Communist Dissolution Act in 1950.⁶⁵ This essay culminated with a brief discussion of the heritage left by Communists in terms of their role in the introduction of differing social and political views to the workers. This, it was argued, was very much in keeping with the Trades Hall educative traditions.⁶⁶  It is hoped that this essay has, through consideration and interpretation of the VTHC minutes, added to the literature of the Victorian Trades Hall by outlining some of the roles played by Communists in the lead up to and duration of the Second World War and Cold War periods.